Lebanon's primary vulnerability since independence in 1943 has been its historically established confessional system, initially imposed by European powers. By dividing power along religious lines, it has supplanted a common national identity, leading to the weakening of state institutions, civil war, persistent political crisis, and vulnerability to external threats. The situation is exacerbated by a liberal economy, which has exacerbated social inequality and led, among other things, to the decline and fragmentation of the media sphere.
Lebanon was once renowned for having the highest number of private newspapers per capita in the Arab world. Although the global print media crisis has not spared the republic, leading to the closure of many publications (for example, the legendary As- Safir ceased publication in 2016 after 42 years of existence), Beirut's newsstands still offer a wide selection. Key players in this market include: An-Nahar, one of the oldest and most influential newspapers with a liberal orientation; Al-Akhbar, known for its bold investigations into taboo topics but often accused of being a mouthpiece for Hezbollah; Al- Balad, a commercial tabloid known for its sensational and aggressive campaigns; and the pro-government newspaper Al- Mustaqbal.
Lebanon's television landscape is also quite politicized. Instead of neutral media, the main TV channels are directly aligned with various forces and religious communities in the country. Pro-Western and representing the parliamentary majority are LBCI and MTV (Murr Television), both of which supported the 2019 protests. MTV is owned by Christian politician Elias Murr, whose media empire also includes the Al-Jumhouria newspaper. Pro-Iranian and opposition channels include Al-Manar, known for its harsh anti-Israeli and anti-American rhetoric; Al- Mayadeen , NBN (National Broadcasting Network), and OTV (Orange TV). Other significant channels include Al-Jadeed, known for its populist approach and investigations against those in power, and Télé Lumière is a religious and educational channel owned by the Maronite Church.
Like television channels, virtually all major radio stations serve as conduits for the ideas of specific political or religious forces, reflecting the divisions within Lebanese society. Most websites replicate the biases of their traditional "parents", while the infrastructure itself is underdeveloped. Social media (owned by Meta, which is considered extremist in Russia and banned) is popular among young people. In the wake of the 2019 protests, independent platforms such as Megaphone News and Thawra TV emerged.
The primary goal of alternative media is to be independent and critical of Lebanon's entire political system, rather than individual parties. However, the economic crisis is forcing them to seek funding from international donors, leaving them vulnerable to accusations of bias. At the same time, public opinion is also being shaped in a hybrid environment: traditional media elites, celebrities, and digital activists and influencers represent new voices with diverse perspectives.
Despite these trends, Lebanon's leading newspapers continue to play a role in shaping public opinion. The escalation of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in October 2023 and the escalation along the Lebanese-Israeli border were perceived by Lebanese media as a threat of a new war. Despite fragmentation, the media turned to a shared historical memory, as illustrated in the work "Understanding 'Trauma' in the Media" by MGIMO researcher Yana Harb.
Thus, Al-Jumhouria presents the conflict as a tragedy, focusing on the humanitarian consequences and civilian suffering, which forms an emotional narrative of collective memory. An-Nahar analyzes the events through a historical and political context, drawing parallels with the 2006 (July War) and presenting the new conflict as the cause of Lebanon's loss of regional status, thereby constructing a national identity around trauma. Al-Akhbar takes a critical stance, viewing the hypothetical conflict as part of the struggle against external aggression and Western influence, also using the narrative of historical trauma to mobilize society around the idea of sovereignty.
As active architects of collective memory, Lebanese media not only inform but also shape public sentiment. They construct it through powerful narratives: humanitarian tragedy, loss of national status, or resistance to external aggression. Lebanon's media sphere mirrors the deep divisions of society, itself rigidly segmented along sectarian and political lines. But in moments of shared threat, these differing narratives give way to their unifying function, which appeals to the nation's shared destiny and memory.
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